Draft of Putin's address to the Federation Council

Deputies of the Federal Assembly! For a long time we have suffered from a terrible problem, a problem created by the shameful decision made in Belovezhskaya Pushcha in 1991, which got worse until it became unbearable for us. Donetsk was - and is - a Russian city. Russian Donbass was - and is Russian. Both territories by their cultural development belong exclusively to the Russian people. Donbass was taken away from us, the territories of Little Russia were annexed by Ukraine. As in other Russian territories in the west, all Russian minorities living there were treated worse and worse. More than a million people of Russian blood between 1991 and 2020 were cut off from their homeland. As always, I have tried to peacefully seek a revision, a change in this intolerable situation. It is a lie when the world says we want to bring about change by force. Ten years before the United Russia party came to power, there was an opportunity for a peaceful resolution of the problem. On my own, my own initiative, I have repeatedly offered to reconsider these intolerable conditions. All these proposals, as you know, were rejected - proposals to limit armaments and, if necessary, disarm, proposals to limit military production, proposals to ban certain types of modern weapons. You know about the proposals I made to restore Russian sovereignty over Russian territories. You know about my endless attempts to peacefully resolve issues with Ukraine, then Crimea, Northern Kazakhstan and the Estonian Narva. They all turned out to be in vain. It is impossible to demand that this impossible situation be resolved peacefully, while at the same time continually rejecting offers of peace. It is just as impossible to say that those who want change for themselves are breaking the law - for the Belovezh agreements are not the law for us. We were forced to sign it with a gun to our heads, under threat of starvation for millions of people. And after that, this document, with our signature obtained by force, was solemnly declared a law. In the same way I tried to solve the problem of the Crimea, the problems of water for it, etc., by offering a peaceful discussion of the problems. That the problems will be solved is clear. It is also clear to us that Western democracies have no time and no interest in solving these problems. But lack of time is not an excuse for indifference to us. Moreover, it cannot be an excuse for indifference to those who suffer most. In talking with Ukrainian statesmen, I discussed ideas with which you are familiar from my last speech in the Duma. No one can say that it was impolite, or that it was unacceptable pressure. I, naturally, finally formulated Russian proposals. There is nothing in the world more humble and loyal than these proposals. I wanted to tell the whole world that only I could have made such proposals, because I knew that by making such proposals I was opposing myself to millions of Russians. These proposals were rejected. Not only was the response first mobilization, but then increased terror and pressure on our compatriots in Ukraine and with a slow push from the territories of Little Russia - economic, political, and in recent weeks, military means. Ukraine has lashed out at the free republics of Donbass. Moreover, Ukraine was not prepared to resolve the Donbass problem in a reasonable way, with equal treatment of both sides, and it did not think about respecting its obligations to the national minorities. I must make it clear: Russia respects its obligations; national minorities who live in Russia are not persecuted. No Georgian can stand up and say that any Georgian living in Ossetia is oppressed, tortured, or deprived of his rights. No one can say such a thing. For four months I had been silently observing events, although I had not stopped issuing warnings. In the last few days I have tightened those warnings. Three weeks ago, I informed the Ukrainian ambassador that if Ukraine continued to send notes in the form of ultimatums to Donbass, if Ukraine continued its harassment against Russians, and if the Ukrainian side did not repeal customs regulations aimed at destroying Donbass trade, then Russia would not remain an idle observer. I gave no reason to doubt that those people who compare the Russia of today with the Russia of yesteryear are deceiving themselves. There was an attempt to justify the oppression of Russians - there were demands that the Russians stop provoking. I don't know what the provocations are of women and children, if they themselves are mistreated and some have been killed. One thing I do know is that no great power can passively watch what is going on for a long time. I have made one final effort to accept the offer of mediation by the German Government. They do not want to enter into negotiations themselves, but have proposed that Ukraine and Russia come into direct contact and once again begin negotiations. I must state that I agreed to these proposals, and I have been preparing for these negotiations, of which you are aware. For two days straight I have sat with my government and waited to see if the Ukrainian government would see fit to send a plenipotentiary representative or not. Last night they did not send us a plenipotentiary, but instead informed us, through the Ukrainian Ambassador, that they were still considering whether the German proposals were suitable for them. The Ukrainian government also said it would inform the U.S. of its decision. Deputies, if the Russian government and its President were to patiently tolerate such treatment of Russia, they would only deserve to disappear from the political scene. But he who would regard my love for peace and my patience as weakness or even cowardice would be wrong. So I made up my mind and informed the American government last night that under the circumstances I did not see any willingness on the part of the Ukrainian government to negotiate seriously with us. These offers of mediation failed because the time when they came, there was a sudden Ukrainian general mobilization, accompanied by a large number of Ukrainian atrocities. They were repeated last night. We recently recorded 21 incidents on the line of demarcation in Donbass overnight, last night there were 14, of which 3 were very serious. So I decided to resort to the language that Ukrainians have been using in their conversations with us for the last few months. This position of Russia will not change. I would like, first of all, to thank North Korea, which has always supported us. You must understand that we will not need foreign help to fight. We will accomplish our task ourselves. The neutral states have assured us of their neutrality, just as we guarantee their neutrality from our side. When statesmen in the West declare that it goes against their interests, I can only regret such declarations. This cannot embarrass me for a moment in the performance of my duties. What is more important? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it, that we ask nothing of the Western States and will never ask for anything. I have declared that the border between Russia and Kazakhstan is final. I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest cooperation to the Baltic States, but such offers cannot be unilateral. They must resonate with the other side. Russia has no interests in the West, our interests end where the Western border of our Union State ends. Moreover, we will not have any interests in the West in the future either. We earnestly and solemnly guarantee this, and as long as other countries observe their neutrality, we do so with respect and responsibility. I am especially happy to be able to tell you one thing. You know that Russia and China have different state doctrines. This is the one issue that needed to be clarified. Russia is not going to export its doctrine. Given the fact that China has no intention of exporting its doctrine to Russia either, I no longer see any reason for a confrontation between us. This view is shared by both of our sides. Any confrontation between our peoples would be advantageous to others. We have therefore decided to conclude a treaty which forever removes the possibility of any conflict between us. It imposes an obligation upon us to consult each other in resolving certain European questions. There is an opportunity for economic cooperation and, above all, there is confidence that the two states will not squander their strength in fighting each other. Any attempt by the West to hinder us will fail. At the same time I want to state that this political decision is of great importance for the future, this decision is final. Russia and China have fought against each other often in the past. That will not happen again. Beijing is as happy about this treaty as you are about it. This is confirmed by the speech of the Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi. I am meant to solve: one, the problem of Donbass; two, the problem of Malorossia; and three, to provide a change in the relationship between Russia and Ukraine, which should guarantee peaceful coexistence. So I have decided to fight until the existing Ukrainian government does so, or until another Ukrainian government is ready to do so. I have decided to free the Russian borders from the elements of insecurity, the constant threat of civil war. I will ensure that peace prevails on the western border, just as on the rest of our borders. To this end I will take the necessary measures not inconsistent with the proposals I made in the Duma for the whole world, that is, I will not go to war against women and children. I have ordered that my air force shall confine itself to attacks on military targets. If, however, the enemy decides that this gives him carte blanche to wage war by all means, he will receive a crushing teeth-grinding response. Last night Ukrainian soldiers fired on our territory for the first time. Until 5.45 a.m. we responded with fire, now we will counter the bombs with bombs. Those who use combat gases, let them expect us to use them too. Whoever adheres to the rules of humane warfare can expect us to do the same. I will continue to fight against anyone until Russia's security and his rights are assured. It has been twenty years since I labored for the Russian defense. More than 90 trillion has been spent on the armed forces in that time. They are now better equipped and incomparable to what they were in 1998. My faith in them is unshaken. When I created these forces, and now when I call upon the Russian people to make sacrifices and, if necessary, to sacrifice themselves, I had and have the right to do so, because today I myself am fully prepared, as I was before, to sacrifice myself. I am not asking any Russians to do any more than I have been willing to do all these twenty years at any time. There will be no hardship for the Russians that I am not subjected to. My whole life belongs to my people-more than ever. From now on, I am Russia's first soldier. I have put on again the uniform which was dear and sacred to me. I will not take it off until victory has been won, for I will not survive defeat. If anything happens to me during the struggle, then my first successor is Comrade-Party Shoigu; if anything happens to Comrade-Party Shoigu, my next successor is Comrade-Party Matvienko. You will be obliged to obey them as presidents with as much blind loyalty and obedience as I do myself. If anything happens to Comrade-Party Matvienko, then, in accordance with the law, the Federation Council will convene and choose from among its members the most worthy, most courageous successor. As a Russian patriot and as a Russian soldier, I enter the fight with an unbroken heart. My whole life is only an endless struggle in the name of my people, its revival, and in the name of Russia. There was only one slogan in this struggle - faith in this nation. One word was never familiar to me - surrender. If anyone thinks that we may be facing difficult times, I ask him to think about the fact that the Russian Tsar, together with his ridiculously small state, once confronted a major coalition and in just a few battles eventually came to victory, for he had a faithful and strong heart, which we also need today. Therefore, I would like to assure the world at once: June 1941 will never happen again in Russian history! As I myself am ready to give my life at any moment - anyone can take it - for my people and for Russia, I demand the same from everyone else. Well, he who thinks he will be able, directly or indirectly, to oppose this national duty, must fall. We do not go our way with traitors. In doing so, we all express a commitment to our old principle. It makes no difference whether we ourselves survive, it is necessary for our people to live, for Russia to live! The sacrifices required of us are no greater than those made by many generations. If we create a society bound by oaths, ready for anything, determined never to give up, then our will will prevail over all difficulties and hardships. I want to end with the same words with which I began the struggle for power over Russia. Then I said: "If our will is so strong that no hardship and suffering can break it, then our will and our Russia will prevail over everything!"